ASN5_2018_Abstracts_Day 1

12th September (Wednesday); 13th September (Thursday); 14th September (Friday)

Transnational Histories

Topic modelling and the work of Joseph Dejacque Hilary Gordon

France’s nineteenth-century revolutions forced thousands of refugees and exiles from their homelands. From the events of the July Revolution of 1830, to the February Revolution of 1848, and the subsequent Paris Commune, successive waves of Frenchmen were expelled or driven to flee. Many of those displaced settled in American port cities of the eastern seaboard and along the Mississippi River. These emigres fueled the development of dozens of new print ventures. Newspapers were among the most influential of these. Their networks of distribution and ideas were extensively connected to those of mainland France. Far from constituting mere provincial outposts, American nodes became integral to maintaining print spaces where trends of French revolutionary, utopian, and proto-anarchist thought could be considered through the lenses of the ongoing anti-colonial and abolitionist struggles being witnessed first-hand by the French emigres in America. With an eye to characterizing the publications and ideas which built networks of radical French American print during the mid-nineteenth century, I will discuss the contributions of the exile writer and newspaperman Joseph Dejacque. His newspaper Le Libertaire and political treatise the Humanisphere were among the earliest examples of anarchist thought printed in the United States. My consideration of these materials has been greatly aided by the use of digital humanities tools for topic modeling. I will also discuss the ways that these tools can be applied to the work of Dejacque and the possibilities they enable for better understanding the wider diaspora.

Costa Iscar and the ethics of the self of individualist anarchism in Buenos Aires during the 1920s Sebastián Stavisky

In this paper I pretend to analyze the ethical and aesthetical practices of individualist anarchism in the city of Buenos Aires, Argentina, during the 1920s. While the historiography on individualist anarchism of those years usually focuses its attention on expropriations and violent attacks, I consider it is possible to find other ways to understand and practice anarchism from a perspective centered on the individual. I refer to the set of practices of the self that found in vegetarianism, naturopathic medicine and free love a way to make of the own form of life a field for libertarian experimentation. I will analyze these practices using Foucault’s works on the technologies of the self, the ethics of the self and the aesthetics of existence. In particular, I will focus on the study of documentary sources of the anarcho-individualist Manuel Costa Iscar, who was born in Navarre, Spain, and arrived to Buenos Aires in 1923, where he collaborated with local and foreign libertarian publications, and dedicated to the translation and diffusion of writings by the French anarchists Émile Armand and Han Ryner. Finally, with this work I intend to move towards a re-conceptualization of the phrase “propaganda by the deed” in order to link its meaning not only to the execution of violent attacks, but also to a search to make of one’s own life the territory where the anarchist ideas take place.

Kropotkin’s Mutual Aid as trigger and trope of anti-colonial resistance Dominique Miething

An open railway wagon, carrying a group of German colonial troops, is riding through a barren desert landscape en route to Windhoek, the capital of “German South West Africa”. The year is 1904. These officers belong to the Schutztruppe (“protection force”). They sit together, enduring the shimmering heat. A euphoric feeling regarding their upcoming mission – the suppression of the Herero and Nama uprising – unites them all. All except one. Wenstrup, a young veterinary officer, is the only one seemingly sceptical of the situation. Only when observing the behaviour of his compeers does he take his eyes off the book he is reading: Peter Kropotkin’s Mutual Aid. From this opening sequence, the narrative of Morenga unfolds. The film reached an enormous audience when airing on West Germany’s main TV station ARD in March 1985. Morenga is based on a novel of the same title by Uwe Timm, published seven years earlier and translated into English in 2003. Both the novel and the film indicate not only a revival of Kropotkin’s ideas in the wake of the 1968 protests. They also point to a slowly emerging awareness of the necessity of coming to terms with the violent history of German colonialism. Even to this day, the German government still refuses to pay reparations for the genocide committed against the Herero and Nama. This talk offers a visualized tour and historical commentary through the novel and the film, in order to explore the role and function of Kropotkin’s classic as trigger and trope of anti-colonial resistance.

Current Theory

(Anti-)Politics as an understanding of anarchistic politics? – Searching for a possibility to decribe a paradox diversity Jonathan Eibisch

Anarchistic political thinking is moving in tensions and paradoxa. Generally it is said that the common ground of contradictionary anarchistic currents consists in a refusal of the state up to its destroying as well as the pursuit to liberate the individual. However, they both do not give an explanation what anarchistic political thinking distinguishes itself in content. Initial point of my work is to draw a technical-term of „(Anti-)Politics“, filled with the basic assuptions of anarchistic political theories to develop an adequat and meaningful definition of what anarchistic politics are actually. Saul Newman theorizes that the specific of anarchistic politics lies in the reference to utopical and ethical anti-politics that stand in strong tension with politics, even more, with „the political“ at all (Newman 2010: 8-12). Expanding this postanarchistic thought, I plead to impose the suggested „third term“ with the method of deconstruction. My aim is to theorize the tensioned aspects of radical anarchistic politics anew. Using this approach, it is not and should not be possible to harmonize the contradictionary anarchistic currents but to bring them in discussion exactly in their difference. So what is common in the groundless grounding between individualists and anarcho-communists; anarcho-pacifism and insurrectionalism; religious or spiritual typs of anarchism and an materialist atheism; primitivistic attempts and an affinity to technology; and at least, in an understanding of the state primarly as a set of institutions against or a social relationship between people? These paradox within anarchistic political theories are recognized as figures of „(Anti-)Politics“. They express the effort to theorize the gap between politics and anti-politics from which they occur to develop an actual and meaningful description of anarchistic political thinking.

Anarchy and Human Rights Frederik Fuß

There is a lot of critique on human rights – the postcolonial accusation that human rights are only a tool of colonialism, made by old white men to oppress people of colour, or the fascist accusation, that the western universalism destroys the peculiarities of different peoples. But all this criticisms fails, why the human rights can’t be a mean for a real social and economic change, for the one reason because they do not focus on the trias of state, law and capital. Anarchism is traditionally in opposition to this trias, even though many anarchists invoke human rights. Still it is possible to develop a critique on human rights based on the traditional anarchist theories, which shows exactly why human rights can’t be a weapon in the fight for a post-capitalist world. In my lecture I want to point out this critique and show that human rights are either – in the best case – an instrument of reformism or – in the worst case – a step on the way to a totalitarian world.

Constitutionalising Anarchy Ruth Kinna and Thomas Swann

This paper summarizes the theoretical implications of empirical work conducted with four anarchist(ic) groups over a period of two years, and two groups subsequently. It draws on textual analysis of the minutes of the General Assemblies of three Occupy camps, Wall Street, Oakland and London, and participant action research with three UK anarchist(ic) groups. The first is the UK regional administration of the revolutionary syndicalist union, the Industrial Workers of the World; second, a worker and housing co-op called Radical Routes; and third, the Anarchist Federation (UK) or Afed. We have subsequently worked with Seeds for Change and Common Weal. We show what is unique to anarchist constitutionalising through an analysis of four separate processes, each of which is designed to engage and address regimes of domination and power asymmetries in anarchist groups: declarations, institutionalization, decision making procedures, rule making. In anarchist(ic) groups, none of these aspects of constitutionalism has priority, and each is in dynamic tension with the others. We show that the absence of a fixed and final point of constitutional authority is a function of the fluidity of anarchist politics. What is unique to anarchist political orders is the way in which anarchy, and cognates such as horizontality, non-domination and leaderlessness, operate as normative constitutional principles that generate stable normative orders of their own.

Work and Workplace

Imagining and practicing alternative economies. Gender discourses and economic thought within the International Workers Association Theresa Adamski

Alternative economic concepts like tenement syndicates, solidary economy, work exchange platforms and autonomous unions are being rediscovered by those who criticize neoliberal developments and long for solidary and anti-discriminatory spaces. The International Workers Associoation (IWA), also known as Asociatión Internacional des los Trabajadores (AIT) and Internationale Arbeiter-Assoziation (IAA), is an example for these projects experimenting with alternative concepts of how to organize property and communities. While the IWA exists until today, its ideas were already shaped in the 1920s and 30s. The IWA was founded in 1922 with anarcho-syndicalist organizations from Europe and the Americas as its members: The CNT in Spain, the USI in Italy and the FORA in Argentina – just to name a few. They criticized hegemonic discourses and practices within worker’s movements and positioned themselves as the successors of the anarchist wing of the First International. Instead of hierarchic political and economic structures they promoted syndicates and local communities as structural elements of society. The workers themselves were to own the goods, the land and the means of production and make their own decisions. Production should be organized according to the needs of the communities. The exchange of goods and work without money should replace the capitalist labour market. Most of the argumentations were formulated in an androcentric manner. Some women within the movement (the Mujeres Libres in Spain and the Syndikalistischer Frauenbund in Germany) criticized the male dominated structures and claims. They, as well as some male protagonists, criticized marriage as a capitalist institution that forced women into lifelong dependency. Around discourses about contraceptives and abortion, women’s bodily autonomy was demanded. In my talk I want to explore the concepts of productivity, community and work promoted by the IWA. I will focus on the gendered aspects of these ideas. Since discourses on productivity are strongly linked to body norms, body history will also be an important aspect. A historic analysis of these discourses and practices can be fruitful for interdisciplinary discussions about recent political and economic developments. It might even help to discover new forms of agency.

Anarchism and the Crisis of Work James McIntyre

As the latest wave of labour-saving automation technologies begins to impact the availability and quality of jobs, interest in the future of human labour is intensifying and increasingly entering the mainstream of policy debate and public discourse. Instruments such as UBI (Universal Basic Income) and job-sharing are gaining significant political ground as potential palliative measures to see off disruption caused by technological unemployment. However, beyond economic and social reforms that may insulate the capitalist economy against collapse in the face of a workforce dispossessed by automation, the crisis of work also provides the human community with an opportunity to make a fundamental departure from the central assumptions of the wage-labour system. Anarchists have historically offered a range of critiques of work under capitalism—from Kropotkin’s detailed proposals to “limit work to four or even to three hours”, to the firebrand anti-work polemics of Bob Black’s Abolition of Work—but in the emerging field of 21st century post-work scholarship and debate, the rich resource of anarchist anti-work thought remains surprisingly untapped. This conference paper will examine some key lessons that contributors to the contemporary mainstream debate on the future of work may stand to learn from the so-far neglected writings of work-critical anarchists of the 20th century. If historical anarchist arguments indeed offer something unique to our contemporary understanding of the problem, then this also invites a timely and very much open question: what format(s) should an effective response to the crisis of work by contemporary theorists, practitioners and scholars of anarchism take?

Being Smart At Work: Anarchistic Responsibility in the Workplace? PJ Holtum

The continual role of deviance and misbehaviour in contemporary workplaces has attracted much attention from sociologists. Paramount to this has been the ability of workers to challenge even the most controlled and dominating organisational structures. Nevertheless, critics are unsure about the role of individual acts of deviance (i.e. irony, cynicism, satire, and humour) and their potential to affect political change without recourse to a more collectively organised movement (i.e. trade unions). Accordingly, they warn of a kind of neoliberal, ‘decaf resistance’ (Contu, 2008) that emerges in these accounts of deviance. I present findings from my empirical study into the political and social responsibilities of cohorts of workers across five large organisations in Brisbane, Australia. Six employees were selected from each site who were subject to casual employment, hourly (quantifiable) KPIs, and strict management. Interviews were organised around workers’ daily responsibilities with a particular emphasis placed on obligations that deviated from managerial protocols. The findings show epistemic conceptualisations of ‘smart work’ to include themes of mutual cooperation and self-organisation. While workers displayed neoliberal tendancies of self-discipline, they nevertheless organised themselves around mutually beneficial practices of ‘cutting corners’, ‘gaming the numbers’, and avoiding work. While these practices continue to reproduce the labour process, they also highlight an element of informal collectivity that is absent in accounts of resistance. Such collectivity and mutual self-organisation, I argue, presents promising evidence in which to understand social resistance in the 21st century.

Southbound Ivone Gallo, Nádia Farage, Giulia Levai

Following a significant stream of European labourers, anarchist ideas and practices came to root in South America from the second half of the 19th century on. Indeed, South American countries – Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay – became important loci for the anarchist movement at large, with a high penetration among urban workers’ political action and sociability, a flourishing press and other written production. For naturist tendencies, Brazilian wilderness represented moreover a space where a new cosmopolitics could be established. The creation of communities started early in the 19th century; different projects sought for the edenic predicate of the land. By the first decades of the 20th century, if the first impulse of creating communities in distant places had weakened, still the debate on naturist possibilities – like vegetarianism, birth control, animal rights and, on the top of all, pacifism – went on among urban workers. The panel intends to contemplate the trajectory of libertarian and naturist thought and practice in Brazil, looking for changes and continuities from the communities in the 19th century to the ulterior urban movements of the first decades of the 20th century.

Art and Decolonisation

Decolonizing Modernism: Robert Henri’s Portraits of the Tewa Pueblo Peoples of New Mexico Allan Antliff

We routinely think of decolonizing anarchism as a new concern, however the project has deep roots in global theory and practice. Early 20th century American modernist Robert Henri’s portraits of the Tewa Pueblo peoples of New Mexico during World War One are a case in point. Henri was an anarchist-communist influenced by the anti-colonial critiques of Voltairine de Clyre and the insurrectionary activism of the Yaqui peoples and Magonist “Land and Liberty” movement. These shaped his opposition to state violence as well as his understanding of Indigenous resistance to colonialism and related condemnations of American patriotism. Over 1916-17, Henri spent extended periods in New Mexico learning about the region’s Indigenous communities. Pointing to the Tewa Peublo people’s way of life, Henri called on Americans to enact revolution by deconstructing the socio-economic order out of which the United States was constituted. My paper explores the development of Henri’s decolonizing variation of anarchism through his paintings, public statements, letters and diaries.

Postcolonial Ecocritical Feminism in Bong Joon Ho’s Post-Human Trilogy Anthony Kim

This paper argues that Bong Joon Ho’s The Host (2006), Snowpiercer (2013), and Okja (2017) form a postcolonial ecocritical trilogy where a growing sympathetic concern with globalization’s influence on humans, non-human animals, and the more-than-human world can be traced through the figure of the young girl and her interactions with animals and the larger ecosystem around her. The films in this trilogy gradually decenter the construct of Man that Sylvia Wynter (2003) critiques as an overrepresentation of the human by first exposing him to a non-human animal formed by and embodying the trauma of military imperialism. Noting the ultimately unsatisfactory resolution of The Host following a battle with the imaginary virtualization of an ongoing environmental traumatic real, I look to real-world instances of legal alliances between human and non-human subjects for alternative modes of constructing relationships within a polluted ecosystem. I then look at the figures of the hero, the hacker, and the girl in Snowpiercer, tracing their progression into masculine embodiment or a fading into the molecular that ends with the child being freed into an unknown, chaotic futurity through the destruction of Man and His artificially bounded world. Finally, I examine the anarchafeminist turn in the animal rights rhetoric undergirding Okja’s critique of global bioprospecting and factory farming which takes seriously the child’s play and girlish relationality that allows her to reject the imposition of a heteronormative reproductive temporality and escape the capitalist world system into a rural temporary autonomous zone read through Abdel Rahim’s (2015) concept of wilderness.

Continental Philosophy

Os egoístas e as habilidades para hackear a metafísica neural neoliberal Edson Lopes da Silva Junior

Proponho apresentar uma análise crítica sobre a contundência da prática individualista anarquista como estratégia de resistência ao sistema de verdade e governamentalidade neoliberal em sua busca perene e neural por uma sociedade segura. Essa análise tem como ponto de partida os estudos sobre biopolítica, regimes de verdade e cuidado de si em Foucault, Agamben e Butler, mas também percorrerá O Único e Sua Propriedade de Stiner buscando retomar um pensamento filosófico fundamental para enfrentar o apelo do “universal” e liberal. Se o poder é racional, econômico e produtivo, a análise crítica do neoliberalismo em sua atual economia de controle inteligente e digital, implica nossa condição ontológica, os limites de nossa sujeição, nossas paixões pelo poder, nossos engodos em torno das armadilhas do controle e das violências da segurança. Como podemos atualizar o pensamento filosófico individualista e utiliza-lo para imprimir uma nova direção à prática radicalmente não opressiva e à ética, frente a políticas de segurança tão sofisticadas, racistas e violentas?

Egoism and the skills to hack the neoliberal neural metaphysic

My proposal is convey a critical analysis on the practice of anarchist individualism as a strategy of resistance to the neoliberal regime of truth and governmentality that find out perennially a secure society. This analysis has as starting point the studies on biopolitics, truth regime and care of the self in Foucault, Agamben and Judith Butler. It also will approach the Ego and Its Own from Max Stirner due to its philosophical thought on facing the appeal of metaphysics, humanism and liberalism. If power is rational, economic and productive the critical analysis of neoliberslism and its smart, and neural technologies of control implies the critical analysis of our ontological condition. It also implies the critical analyses of the limits of our subjection, of our passion for power and security. How can we update the philosophical thought on egoism? How can we use individualism thought to engage practices radically anti-oppressive? How can we also use it to face and resist to a sophisticated security, and racist, and violent power?

Anarchism as a specific political imagination Marek al Sofij Han Ardabili

In my paper, I will describe anarchism as a form of political imagination, which is not a set of solutions as much as a framework, in which many people identifying with anarchism think of social, political or even ecological issues. Such understanding of anarchism may contribute not only to re-thinking anarchist classics anew, but also to include non- or close-to-anarchist thinkers into anarchist considerations in philosophy of politics. The term political imagination derives from close ontological imagination – conception first proposed by polish philosopher Andrzej W. Nowak. His conception is intended to apply to STS studies and connect flat ontology, which is often “axiologically unarmed”, with critical potential of humanities, which are often ontologically non-accurate. Narrower political imagination is intended to describe kind of thinking which tries to move beyond already set framework (contrary to, for example, liberalism). My goal is to present in this context thought of Élisée Reclus, who in many ways anticipated not only anti-colonial movements, but also such forms of activism as animal rights/abolitionist movement. He suggested that our solidarity should embrace not only all humans, but also all sentient beings. Since Will Kymlicka and Sue Donaldson Zoopolis comes from a liberal standpoint, I believe it is worthy to think about anarchist approach towards human-nonhuman communities.

Philosophical Expressionism and the Nondenumerable: Towards an Anarchist Philosophy? Andrew Robinson

This paper reconstructs the history of ideas to piece together a new history of a perspective neglected in the history of philosophy: expressionism. Beginning from a critique of quantitative thought in contemporary life (for instance, in the Quantified Self Movement), the paper reconstructs theories of alienation as an alternative to quantified ways of thinking, and also a third alternative to both realism and constructivism. Discussing diverse theories and worldviews such as Marx, Hegel, Buddhism, indigenous cosmology, Deleuze, Stirner, post-left anarchy, autonomia, and Hakim Bey, the paper suggests that such theories have in common a qualitative view of life as becoming, and an associated theory of alienation which criticises the separation and subordination of becoming. While each theory conceives of the disalienated life-force in a different way, and draws different boundaries as to what qualifies as alienated and disalienated, the tradition provides a general philosophical basis for thinking about liberation. The paper is presented in video format with the use of “looted” film and news clips, psychedelic imagery and binaural beats to supplement the presentation.

Uprooted Cosmopolitans? Anarchist Internationalism and Exile.

Post-War Anarchist Exiles in Venezuela Danny Evans

Writing in reference to Ethel Mannin and his own encounters with Spanish anarchist refugees in the post-war period, Barry Pateman has stated that ‘the process of exile had been […] corrosive. Exile meant the end of nearly everything they had known. The loss of everything that had been ingrained in their lives and had made them who they were.’ While the dimensions of the defeat suffered by the Spanish anarchist movement after the civil war were of a scale that exceeds comprehension, such characterisations fail to explain the persistent efforts made by anarchist exiles to propagate their ideas and build organisations outside of Franco’s Spain. This may have been more readily embarked upon in Latin America, which presented no linguistic barrier, and was removed from the machinations of the Spanish libertarian movement’s leadership in France. According to one of Spanish anarchism’s notable exiles José Peirats, ‘residing in each Spanish refugee who lands in America we find not a castaway but a knight errant with a hunger for the world.’ This paper will focus on the endeavours of Spanish anarchist refugees in Venezuela to develop a political practice appropriate to their new situation. It will also pose the question of whether anarchist internationalism can be said to have been enriched by the activists’ forced encounter with a different political and geographical context.

Anarchist exile as a cosmopolitan laboratory: the example of Belle-Epoque anarchists Constance Bantman

The metaphor of the prison was used with great frequency in the nineteenth century to refer to the widespread perception of political exile as a place of forced inactivity, deprivation and conflict. It is a noticeable theme in the scant writings left by French anarchists to describe the experience of the many companions who found themselves forced to leave France as a result of the terrorist campaign of the 1880-90s, and subsequent repression. This continues a long tradition initiated by other nineteenth-century exiles. And yet, this dominant discourse obscures a different, quite vivid counter-tradition of cultural and political discovery through exile. Among the French anarchists, individuals like Louise Michel, Emile Pouget, Charles Malato illustrate the pivotal role of exile as an opportunity for political exploration, discussion and cross-fertilisation, occasionally leading to political repositioning or a change of perspective. This paper will explore both traditions, with specific reference to the French anarchist movement before 1914, and put forward some explanations to account for this contrast. It will consider the notion of anarchist cosmopolitanism and probe its concrete impact in exilic contexts. Under what conditions could exile become an opportunity for cultural and political discovery, a genuine experience of practical internationalism?

Anarchist Gastronomy

Views and proposals of the anarchism facing gastronomy: XIX century and first part of the XX century Nelson Méndez

We start by making clear that gastronomy represents an important, complex socio cultural fact which is an indispensable subject for the anarchist project of human emancipation, not only within the social contexts in the core of capitalist countries but in the periphery of the current state of control. Then a review of the most outstanding aspects of gastronomy is made with a theoretical and practical reflection of the anarchism taking into account the publication in1892 of the book of Piotr Kropotkin, The Conquest of Bread, the contributions made by alternative life styles that began in the libertarian world such as naturism and vegetarianism, the anarchosyndicalism ending with the experience of the Spanish revolution in 1936. This lecture will focus on elucidating the contributions made by the relationship anarchism-gastronomy from the periphery, Latin America in particular.

Views and proposals of the anarchism facing gastronomy: XIX century and first part of the XX century Mina Vivas

This lecture is a continuation of Professor Mendez’ talk. Thus it has the same perspective concerning the gastronomic fact, and how to understand the relationship between anarchism and gastronomy and the importance this relation can have in the fights for human liberation as proposed by anarchism in any place of the world. Therefore, we understand that at the end of the XX century an interesting expression of the rebirth of anarchist ideas and practices which in a way appear after decades of lethargy. An example of this is the anarchoveganism, debates and actions related to self-production, mindful consumption in which the libertarian is highlighted with different topics, problems and experiences related to diet. A review of the relationship between anarchism and gastronomy, topics of discussion and important examples of contemporary libertarian experiences such as “Food Not Bombs” (United States) and “Cucine del Popolo” (Italy) is presented. This lecture also shares the emphasis of professor Mendez in highlighting what has been done or said in this thematic area from the capitalist ”periphery”, Latin America in particular.

Art and Decolonisation 2

Decolonization of the capitalist modern subject from the Latin-American Neo-Baroque León Felipe Barrón Rosas

The capitalist and colonial modernity imposed in Latin America a new form of identity and subjectivity based on an ethnocentric model: the “modern subject”, representative of a rationality that imposed itself as unique and universal, and challenged and subordinated multiple non-capitalists heterogeneous rationalities in Latin America. The construction of the modern subject, as stable and reason-centered, had a key place in coloniality because it guaranteed capitalist rationality as the true way of knowledge. The imposition of this subject model was useful to impose an identity and a homogenous subjectivity opposed to cultural heterogeneity that was an obstacle for the harmonic deployment of capitalism. However, the contact resulting from the capitalist colonial expansion among the diverse indigenous cultures with others so different from them, like the Spanish or Portuguese, African or Eastern, resulted in a baroque culture that made more evident the cultural difference, generating a conflicting unity that has characterized Latin American culture. As a cultural expression, more than a aesthetic one, the baroque in Latin America has been seen as counter conquest expression and as a critique of the rationale of capitalist modernity, and from its more radical way: the Neo-Baroque, has criticized the homogeneous figure of the capitalist modern subject, opting for baroque identities and subjectivities that criticize and decolonize the universality of the modern subject and its capitalist rationality.

Anarchism, theater and neo-colonialism: Far away from Delft by Samuel Pivo Camille Mayer

Recently, France was marked by a series of anarchist demonstrations and general strikes. This social atmosphere reflects in the work of anarchist artists whose experimental theater attempts to stage an anarchist philosophical and political conception of the world. Those social demands are intrinsically linked to the cultural reception of immigration and racism in a post-colonial society that has never really faced its colonial past. Although they were targeting social institutions such as higher education, the national railway system (SNCF), or labor conditions, recent strikes went beyond social demands concerning French working class and students and eventually addressed more humanist issues. Questioning eurocentrism and neo-colonialism, Samuel Pivo, a young anarchist dramatist wrote Far Away From Delft, a play that tackles racism, feminism and neo-colonialism in contemporary French society. This play tells the story of Antoine and his journey in Africa. He is a counterfeiter specialized in Vermeer’s paintings. He goes to Africa to find her lover Charlotte Lombardi, a white young girl who was decapitated by terrorists. Before his journey, he went onto his grave but did not find any answers so he decided to go to Black Africa to meet a sorcerer. He goes to Africa to die. There, he meets The Little Man of the village who tells him that his arrival has been predicted a long time ago. The Old Man, who is the sorcerer, tells him that if he dies, Charlotte will live again. Everybody in the village plays a role to manipulate Antoine but he does not notice anything. Far Away From Delft is a play that criticises neo-colonialism on several levels. First of all, the play deplores the European ignorance of Africa and the tendency to think of Africa as a country. In fact, we don’t know exactly in which country the action takes place. The second layer of criticism is directed toward cultural racism through a satirical presentation of prejudices about African people. The play develops stock characters and racial stereotypes that reinforce the Western racist and stereotypical interpretation of African culture. This criticism is less explicit but sharper: Non-European characters play roles that Antoine, the European white male, expects them to play. Mama is a cook and a sorcerer, the Good-looking Girl is Mama’s cousin and introduces herself as a prostitute, the Old Man is a sorcerer, The Little Man tells legends and politicians are corrupted. Only Antoine and Charlotte have a first name which give them an identity and not solely a role. The third layer of criticism targets the Eurocentric belief that one can “save” Africa. Charlotte came to sub-Saharan Africa to save children and finally died as a hero as she was killed by terrorists. On a general level, Samuel Pivo denounces European intrusion in African culture, social and economic affairs. This presentation intends to introduce one example of how drama links anarchist philosophy, politics and ideology with neo-colonialism. The play’s critical discourse of neo-colonialism and its concern with cultural colonisation will be the object of this presentation on one example of a cultural production that reflects anarchist tendencies in recent French intellectualism. I intend to examine the author’s position in anarchist movements, whether the play tries to decolonize Western anarchism, and evaluate the limitation of the critical scope of that play.